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  We need to stop getting polarised over the question of terrorism. It is not a right-wing or a left-wing issue, but one that affects us all. And while terrorism doesn’t have a religion, there’s no denying that IS, the most active global terrorist organisation at large today, follows a radicalised version of Islam. Hiding or denying this truth in the name of political correctness doesn’t help anyone either.

  The (mis)use of Islam to recruit terrorists puts the onus on the Muslim community in general, and Islamic countries in particular, to play an active part in solving the problem. The fact that radical Islamic organisations are able to generate funds for their activities is one of the reasons terrorism has reached epic proportions in the world today. To counter them, other kinds of Islamic organisations need to be created and funded by governments around the world. These modern, moderate and liberal Muslim organisations need not have guns, but they need to be prominent and influential enough to stand up to their fundamentalist counterparts.

  Also, Islam is the only religion which has spawned over a dozen theocracies or officially Islamic countries. Many of these are not democracies, and hence religious fundamentalists have a big say in how these countries are run. This complicates the problem, and is perhaps the reason why radical Islamic terror has thrived more than extremism motivated by other faiths. However, the rest of the world has to get together and put pressure on these countries, through diplomatic, economic or other means, to cultivate a zero tolerance policy on terrorism.

  Holding fundamentalist beliefs may well fall within the parameters of religious choice. However, when innocent people get hurt, all bets are off.

  Many of these Islamic countries have strict zero tolerance laws against narcotics, for instance, and are successful in keeping their countries drug-free. Similarly, they should be able to commit to zero tolerance for terrorism.

  Back home in India, we have to do the same. Terrorism is a hard threat to counter. Only a zero tolerance approach works. Hence, our home-grown terror apologists (the types who say terrorists are ‘just misguided youth’) should be condemned.

  A zero tolerance policy does not amount to asking for a ‘Muslim ban’ or labelling a religion as evil. At the same time, it doesn’t pussyfoot around the issue in the name of political correctness either.

  The solution to terrorism will not come from extreme points of view, but from taking a nuanced and practical middle stance based on logic and reason. It is time we took a break from extremitis, and worked together to make the world and our country a safer place.

  Gujarat’s Perfect Verdict: How Gujaratis Managed to Keep Both BJP and Congress on their Toes

  The Gujarat election results in 2017 were a timely lesson in accountability and balance for both our major political parties

  Gujarat saw a Goldilocks election in 2017. Meaning, the election results were ‘just right’. BJP won for a whopping sixth time, after ruling the state for over two decades. To win a majority, despite the usual anti-incumbency that sets in after such a long spell in power, is a major feat.

  The PM’s appeal is still intact in his home state, despite radical and controversial policy decisions such as demonetisation and GST. It looks like, just as Sonia backs Rahul, Gujarat continues to back its son, Modi. The party’s 2017 win in Himachal Pradesh, securing nearly two-thirds of the seats, was also cause for celebration for the BJP.

  And yet, things didn’t go exactly as BJP had anticipated. The margin of victory in Gujarat was not like their Uttar Pradesh triumph a few months earlier, where BJP captured 75 per cent of the seats. In Gujarat, BJP won 99 of 182 seats, or 54 per cent of the total. But the Congress won 77 seats which, though a losing figure, is not a washout.

  Many had thought Gujarat would be the safest state for the BJP. No matter what they did, Gujaratis would continue to support the party because of, well, Modi. But 2017 was hardly a cakewalk for the BJP in the state. It won due to a combination of sheer luck, better booth-level management, Congress’s lack of confidence, and Modi’s political smarts outsmarting Rahul’s.

  In other words, it was a hard-fought and hard-won election that the Congress came pretty close to winning too. If a dozen assembly seats had gone the other way and the Congress had come to office, there would have been a tectonic shift in Indian politics. If Modi had lost Gujarat in 2017, the BJP’s consequent loss of face and the corresponding boost in the Opposition’s morale would have seriously impacted the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls.

  No wonder that at one point in the vote-counting, when the Congress was ahead, the BSE Sensex dropped almost a thousand points. The stock market recouped the losses when BJP won, breathing a sigh of relief that the government was stable and Modi in control again. Hence, just this scare of a possible BJP defeat is reason enough for Congress to celebrate.

  However, after the celebrations are done, it is time for both parties to reflect on what they are doing wrong. The canny Gujarati voter has rapped the BJP’s knuckles without actually throwing it out. They have also encouraged the Congress, but love isn’t overflowing in that direction either.

  The BJP needs to realise that while, electorally, the Modi brand is a golden asset, he is not a god or a superhero. Yes, those comparisons might work well as a marketing ploy, but in reality Modi is someone who gives the party a solid edge in the polls. He boosts the BJP vote share by 5–10 per cent, depending on the state, the situation and the type of election. Normally, such swings are enough for a party to win. However, to take this for granted is a mistake.

  Of late, the BJP is making the ‘pure vikas’ voter, the fence-sitters who transferred loyalties to the party in 2014, nervous. The ruling party’s silence on love jihad murders and opportunism during the Padmavati controversy, their strategic muteness on hardline Hindutva in general, has been unsettling. The voters who finally began to trust the BJP in 2014 get nervous when the party panders to its hardliner base. This pandering was the reason why BJP seldom won in the past.

  The Hindus like their religion, but they don’t generally like impositions, bullying, and a general atmosphere in which one feels scared. Eventually, the right Opposition leader can harness this fear. For the BJP, the lesson is simple—more Vajpayee and less Advani, please.

  As for the Congress, they need to realise there is still a lot of work to be done. Rahul isn’t ‘back’, as some say, and their improved performance in Gujarat is not because of him. A lot of Congress gains came from the BJP’s mistakes, which accumulated over twenty-two years of rule in the state, especially their mishandling of certain movements (like the Patidar agitation). A lot of sympathy and encouragement that Congress is getting these days on social media comes from people who are scared of the BJP and are desperately seeking political alternatives, whatever those might be.

  This is not the same as people being attracted to Rahul or the Congress. Waiting for BJP self-goals is not a pro-active Opposition strategy, and is unlikely to yield quick results. The Congress has to set its own agenda. Moreover, rather than praising Rahul Gandhi for every trivial reason they can find, it is better to acknowledge that he still has a long way to go.

  In terms of running a grassroots party as well as capitalising on political opportunities as Modi does, Rahul has a lot to learn. For instance, Modi milking Mani Shankar Aiyar’s ‘neech’ comment to his own advantage is not something every politician can pull off. To hold the most powerful office in the country, and still be able to play a victim in the eyes of the public, is an art form. Rahul needs to learn it. Else, the Congress cannot hope to traverse the narrow margin of the Gujarat results or gain significant victories in other states.

  However, the 2017 Gujarat election may have benefited India in the long run. It showed the BJP that they must tone down support to hardliners, and that there was a real opposition to reckon with. For the Congress, it was an incentive to work harder, showing them a way to power, though it may still be far.

  The Gujaratis have spoken. We owe them thanks for having pushed both our nation
al political parties to reflect and work harder.

  @chetan_bhagat

  There are some Modi haters who want me to write hate tweets about Modi govt else they threaten to keep calling me biased. Not going to work. Have roughly an equal no of articles pro-anti BJP/Cong. So I know what I am doing. Sorry I can’t be a mouthpiece of your hate.

  636 replies/ 1,140 retweets/ 6,396 likes

  Self-goals a Bigger Threat to BJP than Rahul

  The BJP must introspect and drop its hardliner stance on basic liberties to retain fence-sitter votes in the upcoming elections

  Just before Rahul Gandhi took the stage to address Indians at an event in New York a few years ago, Sam Pitroda, a Gandhi family adviser-friend-loyalist of long standing, said, ‘We don’t need advice for Rahul Gandhi.’

  There you go. An incoming Congress president doesn’t need advice. In any case, he seems to be having a comeback moment. His recent tweets have trended and, unlike in the past, not for the wrong reasons. Rahul also managed some traction in Gujarat. While most believe a Congress win is unlikely, one major opinion poll predicted a neck-and-neck race. Fine, no advice wanted or needed here for the present, I guess.

  But what about the BJP? Do they care about advice? Or don’t they need it either, as they have Narendra Modi, the vote magnet? Can they entertain the thought that they might be doing some things wrong?

  I hope they do. Because while a major BJP defeat may not be in the offing, seeds of a political upset are being sown right now. The BJP has not been immune to the hubris that often comes with power. Rahul’s perceived incompetence has added to this complacency. Who else would Indians vote for anyway?

  However, some shifts are visible. The number of ‘Pappu’ jokes have reduced. The media is not as dismissive of Rahul as it was before. What’s happening?

  In UPA II, the defining image of Sonia Gandhi and Suresh Kalmadi laughing over a private joke during the AICC convention, at the height of the CWG scam, sealed the fate of the Congress. It signalled that not only was the party mired in corruption, it just didn’t care. We all know what happened next.

  As for the BJP, their defining vice is not corruption, at least not at levels that can agitate the Indian public. The BJP’s vices are what they have always been—its love of fundamentalism and use of authoritarianism against those who oppose this. For no matter how many Obamas its leaders meet or global investor conferences they host, the BJP can’t help but expose these two ugly traits.

  Despite quoting Moody’s and the World Bank, the party’s support for regressive Hindu voices is unsettling for the new BJP voters who boarded the Modi bandwagon in 2014 for the sake of development. While the BJP’s support of these fringe voices is not overt, their silence on some recent events is unsettling. This, along with the tendency to browbeat opposing voices, creates unease in a number of Indians. Will this unease convert to a vote switch?

  Here are two specific examples of government actions (or lack of action) in recent years that have created an atmosphere of unease that could hurt the BJP’s chances in Lok Sabha 2019.

  One, Padmavati . While it was just a song-and-dance movie, how the government handled this controversy might well have determined how the Modi regime will be judged in the upcoming elections. Legally, the filmmakers did nothing wrong. Historically, there was no evidence of a clear, existing narrative on Padmavati, who might even be a fictional character.

  Which brings us to the only factor responsible for the furore around the film: the sentiments of a section of the hardliner vote bank. That too, before the film was even released. Sure, some people might find the song-and-dance treatment of a story about a culturally respected character offensive. You have every right to condemn the film, but to prevent its release and threaten the filmmakers is plain wrong. It amounts to muzzling freedom of expression. If the BJP supports a ban to pander to hardliners, it will not only be a black mark on Modi’s legacy but will also add to voter unease.

  The second example is the handling of a relatively weak story about Jay Shah gaining business advantages after the 2014 elections. Top BJP leaders defended Jay Shah, to the extent of obtaining gag orders against reporting on the issue. However, the actual defence against the allegation would have been quite a simple matter. Amit Shah had a fair amount of power even before 2014 when the BJP ruled Gujarat. Could he not have helped his son’s business benefit then? This easy rebuttal would have been sufficient.

  These are times where major media houses practise self-censorship, when it comes to reporting on malpractice at the top levels. Judicial overreach is at an all-time high as well. From forcing movie theatres and audiences to honour the national anthem, to preventing the media from reporting on important cases, corruption and unethical behaviour is all around us.

  The government isn’t directly responsible for all of this. However, people link rising authoritarianism in governance to the BJP. If Rahul is seen as more consensus-driven, less feared and more accommodating, he may attract not only media support but a significant section of voters too. These fence-sitter voters, as 2014 showed us, are crucial.

  While Rahul may not be a substantial threat, the BJP might do well to introspect. It isn’t always the strong opponent who defeats you. Sometimes, self-goals can do the trick just as well.

  What the Shattered AAP Dream Tells Us about Ourselves

  When a movement becomes a government, the only way to remain accountable is to not compromise on core values even at the cost of losing elections

  A quick online check reveals that an economy class return ticket to London would cost ₹45,000. A business class ticket, which gets you flat beds, lounges and exotic wines, is worth around ₹2,00,000. However, even this mode of travel was not good enough for a certain AAP minister, going by news reports. He preferred to travel first class to London, which costs a whopping ₹4,00,000.

  Of course, ministers don’t pay for these tickets themselves. They charge it to the government. So, in effect, the taxpayer pays for it. The reasons for travel (there have been other trips to Brazil, Finland and other destinations) are often flimsy—random seminars, casual student body invites, anything at all that gets them out of the world’s most polluted city, I guess.

  And, of course, first class is just more comfortable. You get four more inches of seat width and ten more inches of legroom. Most important, the wine selection is better. And there’s exclusivity. Even CEOs travel business class. First class is for billionaires, big movie stars and, of course, the great take-metro-to swearing-in-ceremony AAP.

  This would all be really funny if it hadn’t actually happened. This is a real party that literally arose from the streets. This is about real Indians who gave AAP their trust and hope. We stood up for corruption, threw out a scam-tainted government and backed a new party. A party we thought would respect and protect our faith in them. A party that claimed to embrace simplicity as a virtue. Remember how people quit Apple and Google to join the AAP? Have you heard of that happening anywhere else lately?

  The same party now plunders a poor nation’s wealth to buy first class tickets for these boondoggles. The leader of the party, of course, watches all this, even as he points fingers and throws accusations at anyone else who dares criticise them.

  No, the AAP’s shenanigans are no longer funny. It is one of the saddest moments in Indian politics. For the dream has been shattered. The betrayal hurts. It is also uncomfortable to deal with, as it tells us that it wasn’t just the fault of the Congress. Perhaps we as a nation are full of cheats, liars, thugs and plunderers. It’s just a matter of getting the opportunity to do so.

  When the AAP was on the streets, it hated conspicuous consumption and the waste of state resources. Once in power, it wants to travel first class and sample Bordeaux wines. This clearly shows that the idea of looting the nation never really troubled the AAP leaders. What bothered them was that they were not getting a chance to do so. Well, they have it now. Well done.

  Already, several AAP ministers are t
ainted with charges ranging from faking degrees to corruption and rape. This abuse of office for personal luxury and gratification points clearly to the fact that the AAP has failed. In fact, it is likely to become, if not already, worse than the older political parties.

  So what went wrong? Why did this Indian dream break? And what can we learn from it?

  First, we created AAP when we were angry about the sheer magnitude of corruption in the political system. We somehow assumed that if there is a face we trust at the top, the party would cease to be corrupt. We were wrong. The lesson is this: to fix corruption, you need to make the government more accountable, not merely replace it or create new parties.

  Second, the AAP’s sheer desire to win cost them everything. In the last Delhi elections, they selected candidates based on just one factor—winnability. The biggest asset of the AAP, that they strove to represent the best in our society, was gone. In fact, good people were thrown out of the party. Looters, goons, rapists and frauds were invited in, as long as they could get some votes.

  So the AAP won, but lost its ethical core—their values of integrity and honesty. And once the river is polluted, it is very hard to clean it again. Never compromise an organisation’s core values, even if it means slower growth.

  Finally, the lesson for us Indians is to not give up hope. Yes, AAP took us for a first-class ride. It is a bitter truth to face. It doesn’t, however, mean that nothing can ever change in this country. We must move on and work to keep the government accountable, whichever party is in power.

  For AAP, the only lesson is to acknowledge reality and fix itself. Calling Modi names isn’t going to make things any better. Taking a hard look within might. Maybe they could do that on their first class flights, as they hover high above Delhi and sip some nice, Aam Aadmi vintage wine.